Hubungan Reconquista, Dinasti Utsmaniyyah dan Kristenisasi al-Andalus

Kekuasaan Islam di al-Andalus Eropa semakin lama semakin melemah, sedangkan kekuasaan Dinasti Utsmaniyyah yang juga melakukan ekspansi ke Eropa semakin menguat di sisi yang lain. Kedua daerah kekuasaan Islam tersebut tentunya memiliki hubungan satu dengan yang lainnya. Lalu bagaimana hubungan keduanya di Eropa?

Berikut ini adalah artikel yang menjelaskan tentang hubungan Reconquista, ekspansi Dinasti Utsmaniyyah dan kristenisasi di al-Andalus.

Castilian “Reconquista,” Ottoman Expansion and the Christianization of al-Andalus

Sumber: Ballandalus

Since its initial conquest by Arab and Berber armies in 711–715, most of the Iberian Peninsula (modern Spain and Portugal) had been under Umayyad Muslim political control between 756 and 1031.[1] Following the collapse of the Umayyad Caliphate of Cordoba in 1031, however, al-Andalus, the Muslim-ruled portions of Iberia, had disintegrated into over two dozen emirates, known as taifas.[2]

This fragmentation and weakening of Muslim political authority facilitated the rise of the northern Christian powers of Portugal, Navarre, Castile, León, and Aragón. Attempts by local (Andalusi) and foreign (“Berber” Almoravid, Almohad and Marinid) dynasties to resist the southward expansion of these Christian kingdoms ultimately failed, and the Battle of Las Navas de Tolosa in 1212, ending in an overwhelming defeat for the Muslims at the hands of a Christian coalition, sealed the fate of most of al-Andalus.[3] Beginning in the eleventh century, Castile and Aragón in particular had capitalized on the collapse of the Caliphate of Cordoba and succeeded in conquering major Andalūsī cities such as Toledo in 1085, Zaragoza in 1118, Lisbon in 1147, Cuenca in 1177, Majorca and Badajoz in 1230, Cordoba in 1236, Valencia in 1238, Jaén in 1246, and Seville in 1248, Algeciras in 1344, Antequera in 1410 and Gibraltar in 1462.[4]

This process of the gradual expansion of the Christian kingdoms at the expense of al-Andalus has been termed the Reconquista by Spanish historiography, a term referring specifically to the religious and political effort by the Christian kingdoms to drive Islam out of the Iberian Peninsula and a concept which greatly influenced the national foundational myth of Christian Spain as heir to the Visigothic and Roman heritage of Iberia, evoking a continuity between the pre-Islamic and post-Islamic past of the Peninsula.[5] As early as the late eleventh century, and certainly by the thirteenth, with the conquest of most of al-Andalus, the Reconquista had taken on many characteristics of a crusade, which greatly informed the political and military campaigns against the Andalusis, and provided the basic legitimizing framework for the southward drive of the Christian kingdoms.[6] Nevertheless, despite the official papal sanction of the Reconquista as a crusade, the religious rhetoric and the public humiliation of Islam, manifested in the occasional reconsecration of mosques into churches, there was no comprehensive attempt to eliminate Islam (or Judaism) as a religion from the Iberian Peninsula prior to the late fifteenth century.[7]

(Mudéjars petition King Jaime I of Aragon to build a mosque, Cantigas de Santa Maria, 13th c.)

In fact, large communities of Muslims—known as Mudéjars—existed under Christian rule, accommodated under an arrangement similar to that which had existed during the period of Islamic dominance, although with the roles reversed, with the Muslims being subordinated to Christians and paying a tax to their new Christian overlords. At this point, it is important to underscore that, although the rhetoric and narrative of the “Reconquista” was certainly an important aspect of official dynastic ideology in medieval Iberia, the political and cultural reality was far more complex. Frameworks such as “Reconquista” (or “convivencia” for that matter) need to be understood as heavily ideological constructions which seek to make broad claims about the nature of social, cultural and political relations in medieval Iberian history. As such, they help shed light on how certain scholars throughout history have sought to represent the events in question, but are ultimately of limited utility for understanding the historical reality. Alliances between Muslim and Christian sovereigns, the service of local Muslims in Christian armies and Christian mercenaries in Muslim armies, and the employment of Jews and Christians in the administration of Andalusi rulers all undercut the narrative of the Reconquista as a useful paradigm for understanding the historical reality of medieval Iberia. Similarly, the sporadic persecution of minority communities, the confessional-based structures of political power and the continued importance of the rhetoric of jihād and cruzadaare important facts that also lessen the utility of “convivencia” as an accurate framework for explaining the political, social and religious developments in medieval Iberia.

(Muslim and Christian forces marching under the Banner of the Virgin Mary, Cantigas de Santa Maria, 13th century)

By 1248, the Kingdom of Granada, ruled by the Naṣrid dynasty, was the only remaining independent Muslim entity in Iberia.[8] Although it remained unconquered, the position of Granada vis-à-vis the Kingdom of Castile was largely that of a client kingdom, whereby the Naṣrids paid a tribute to the Crown of Castile in exchange for peaceful relations and a certain measure of sovereignty. Throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, despite the Marinid threat from North Africa, which subsided after 1340, and sporadic outbreaks of conflict and frontier skirmishes which led to the conquest and annexation of strategically important Andalūsī cities, the status quo remained in place, with Granada as a de facto vassal of Castile.[9] Although not threatened militarily by the Kingdom of Granada, the Christian kingdoms felt uneasy about the continued existence of an independent Muslim entity on Iberian soil, as it emboldened the Mudéjars living under their rule, as evidenced by the Muslim rebellions in Murcia and Andalusia in 1264–66, and provided a haven to which rebels and apostates from Christianity could flee and seek refuge.[10] Moreover, the often-destructive raids launched from the Kingdom of Granada into Andalusia rendered such an arrangement strategically unsustainable and ideologically unacceptable for Christian Spain in the long term. As such, despite the lull in Christian military activities against Muslims in the Peninsula between the late thirteenth and early fifteenth centuries, Granada always remained the object of any prospective Iberian crusade.[11] At times, however, Granada enjoyed particularly close relations with the sovereigns of Castile, as in the case of the alliance between Pedro I (r. 1350–1369) and Muḥammad V (r. 1354–1359, 1362–1391), a fact which further undercuts the “Reconquista” narrative of Iberian history.

(Alhambra, royal residence of the Nasrid emirs of Granada)

In the late fifteenth century there were important political transformations within Spain which had significant consequences for the survival of the Kingdom of Granada. One of the main factors that had enabled Naṣrid Granada to exist for almost 250 years had been the internal struggle between the Christian kingdoms of Iberia. In 1469, with the unification of the Kingdoms of León, Castile, and Aragón—realized with the marriage of Isabella and Ferdinand, the Catholic Monarchs—and the establishment of peace between Portugal and Castile in 1479, the divisions between the various Iberian Christian powers was ended.[12]

The religious and militant outlook of the new monarchs of Spain notwithstanding, this unity presented a historic opportunity for the Crown of Castile to finally turn its attention to the conquest of Granada. Indeed, the unification of the Christian kingdoms led to renewed calls within Castile for a crusade against Granada, described by contemporaries as a “very just, very holy, very worthy war,” in order that “the pagans and the barbarous nations and the infidels should be converted to the faith or destroyed.”[13] A raid by the Naṣrid amīr, Abū’l-Ḥasan ‘Alī (r. 1464–1482, 1483–1485), on the Christian town of Zahara in Castilian territory in 1481—coming shortly after the Ottoman seizure of Otranto in southern Italy—provided the immediate pretext for the realization of this ultimate objective, and ignited a long and brutal war between the Crown of Castile and Naṣrid Granada.[14] Although possessing a religious dimension from the start, following the escalation of the conflict with the Christian seizure of the strategic town of Alhama in 1482, the war against Granada was officially transformed into a religious confrontation in the tradition of the Reconquista, with the Papacy sanctioning the assault on the Naṣrids as a crusade.[15] In the next few years, Castile succeeded in capturing several more important Naṣrid strongholds, including Ronda (1485), Loja (1486), Málaga (1487), Vera (1488), Guadix (1489), Baza (1489) and Almería (1489) before besieging Granada itself in 1491.[16]

(An example of a Bull of Crusade issued by Pope Nicholas V in 1454)

Although the declaration of the conflict as a crusade was hardly a novel characteristic of the Granadan war, the increasingly militant rhetoric and the specific interconnection between conquest and forced conversion was a fairly recent development in the history of medieval Iberia. What accounts for this shift from pragmatic accommodation to the language of extermination? Perhaps the most important contributing factors was the heightened tensions between Christendom and the Islamic world following the conquest of Constantinople (1453) and subsequent Ottoman advances in the Balkans and the Mediterranean in the fifteenth century.

Rather than viewing the complex series of events between 1480 and 1501 solely as a local Castilian-Nasrid affair, it is important to place these developments within two broader, interrelated contexts. The first is the immediate historical background of the Christian conquest territory in al-Andalus described above. The other context that needs to be appreciated are those broader developments and transformations occurring across Christendom and the Mediterranean during the fifteenth century. One of the most important events that shook the very foundations of Christendom occurred on May 29th 1453, when the Ottoman sultan Mehmed II (r.1451–1481) conquered and sacked Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire. The conquest of Constantinople had a tremendous impact both on the Ottoman sultanate, which was transformed into an imperial state with far-reaching aspirations and claims to legitimacy, and on Christian Europe. Most Latin Christians viewed the fall of Constantinople as a devastating blow to Christendom and as an event far more worrisome than the fall of the last Crusader stronghold of Acre in 1291. Not only did the symbolic and religious significance of the city resonate deeply with many Christians, but its capture by a strong expansionist Islamic power provoked anxiety within Europe. Almost immediately there were renewed calls for crusades against the Ottomans.

(Otranto fortress)

Although similar initiatives were earlier organized by the Papacy and defeated by the Turks, first at Nicopolis in 1396 and then at Varna in 1444, there was an increased sense of urgency associated with the post-1453 crusades. Fears of the extension of Ottoman power deeper into Christian Europe were confirmed when Mehmed II besieged Belgrade (unsuccessfully) in 1456, Negroponte (successfully) in 1470, Rhodes (unsuccessfully) in 1480, and, more alarmingly, launched an assault on the Italian peninsula, capturing Otranto in 1480. Otranto was seen by many Christians, and indeed by the Ottoman Empire itself, as a strategic foothold from which Italy, and Rome, would eventually be conquered. The militant and expansionist impetus of the Ottomans was one of the most important driving forces behind Mehmed’s conquests in Italy, the Balkans, the Black Sea, and the Mediterranean. This rapid Muslim expansion into south-eastern Europe threatened Christendom militarily as well as religiously, and pressured the Catholic states to counter the Turkish threat emanating from the East.

(Title page of the Castilian translation of “Tirant lo Blanc,” a neo-crusading Aragonese epic from the late 15th century, ca. 1511)

As a response to the Ottoman military challenge, there was a social, political, and religious revival of the crusading ethos in the late fifteenth century within Latin Christendom, which was especially noticeable in Iberia with the establishment of the Inquisition (1478), the completion of the conquest of Granada (1492), and the mass conversion of the Muslims in Castile (1502). At the heart of this religious transformation was the push for the establishment of an exclusively Catholic Christian society and kingdom in which Muslims (and Jews) could not be accommodated The sack of the Mudéjar quarter of Valencia in 1455, shortly following the fall of Constantinople, is indicative of a shift in the minds of many Iberian Christians, who increasingly viewed the conflict with Islam as taking on “new cosmic proportions.”[17] This led to the development of a consciousness within Spain of a sense of mission to redeem Christendom by eliminating Islam in Iberia, defeating the Ottomans, and, eventually, reconquering Jerusalem for Christianity.[18] Aside from the events in Valencia in 1455, this anti-Muslim sentiment was more pronounced within the Kingdom of Castile than in the Crown of Aragón. It was essentially nurtured by the fall of Constantinople, the Ottoman conquest of Otranto, and the rise of the Catholic Monarchs, and primarily manifested itself in the crusade against Granada between 1482 and 1492 and the forcible conversions of the Andalusi Muslims in 1501–1502.

For the Catholic Monarchs, the conflict with the Nasrids and the war against the Ottoman Turks were part of one broader struggle against a resurgent Islamic threat.[19] Others in Latin Christendom shared this perspective, as is clear from Pope Sixtus IV’s declaration of a crusade against Granada in 1482, which made explicit reference to the Ottomans, drawing a direct parallel between the Andalusi Muslims of Iberia and the Turks in the East. The landing of the Ottoman general Gedik Ahmet Pasha (d. 1482) at Otranto in Aragonese-ruled southern Italy in 1480 highlighted the proximity of the Ottoman threat for many Iberian Christians, and the progression of the war against Granada became inextricably linked with the reconquest of Otranto in 1481. This generated a conception within Iberian Christendom of a sense of mission to actively combat the dual “Moorish” and “Turkish” threat that was perceived as endangering the existence of Christian Europe. As such, Ferdinand and Isabella took a more active role in encouraging, organizing, and participating in the counter-Turkish activities in the Mediterranean, as evidenced from their logistical support for the Knights of St. John in Rhodes in 1480, the assistance rendered to Malta in 1488, and, most significantly, the conquest of the island of Cephalonia from the Ottomans by the Castilian general Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba in 1500.[20] The increasing Ottoman encroachment in the Mediterranean after 1480 led to the Crown of Castile and Aragón to view the Nasrid Kingdom of Granada as a potential launching pad for any prospective Muslim invasion of Iberia.[21]

This perspective informed the fifteenth and sixteenth-century Spanish view of the Andalusi Muslims, specifically those in Granada and Valencia, as “fifth columns” who were potential allies of the Ottoman Empire or North African corsairs who periodically raided the shores of Castile and Aragón.[22] This fear was not unfounded, because in addition to the explicit appeals sent from Granada to Constantinople in 1486 and 1501, there were reports in circulation as early as the 1480s of links between the Mudéjars of Valencia and the Ottoman Turks, who seemed poised to launch an invasion of the Iberian Peninsula with the assistance of the Andalusis residing there.[23] Although the validity of such reports are in question, it is clear that the Muslims of the coastal regions of Spain were a major security concern for the Catholic monarchs because there were close ties, even coordination, between Muslims in Iberia and the Ottomans in North Africa throughout the sixteenth century, and was an issue that continued to preoccupy the Spanish monarchs until the final expulsion of the Moriscos in 1609–1614.[24] Of course, this expulsion created an entirely different problem in the form of the Barbary corsairs, but that is another story.

The Christian conquest of the city of Granada was finally accomplished in 1492 and, despite the heightened rhetoric of crusade, was achieved largely through peaceful means, by treaty and capitulation rather than by violence.[25] However, this did not diminish the religious and ideological significance of the conquest, which was viewed as redeeming Christendom and described as a divinely inspired victory over “the enemies of [the] holy Catholic faith.”[26] For contemporary Muslims, it was interpreted as “one of the greatest disasters to befall Islam.”[27] The generous terms of surrender, or capitulations, between the Granadans and the Castilians stipulated that the Hispano-Muslims would be allowed to retain their faith and customs so long as they paid the agreed-upon tax and refrained from threatening the Crown of Castile.[28] In this sense, there was nothing particularly novel about the conquest of Granada; for centuries, Muslim towns and regions throughout Iberia had capitulated under similar terms, resulting in the emergence of a new “class” known as Mudéjars, Muslims living under Christian rule.[29] Both the Crown of Aragón and the Crown of Castile were home to large populations of Mudéjars, who openly practiced their religion and coexisted relatively peacefully with Castilian and Catalan Christians.[30]

(Surrender of Granada, January 2nd 1492)

(Manuel Gómez-Moreno [1880], The Departure of the Family of Muhammad XII from the Alhambra following the surrender of Granada)

Shortly after the conquest of Granada, however, political pragmatism and peaceful proselytization gave way to Christian millenarianism, and the relations between the Castilian conquerors and the local Granadans began to deteriorate. Although the reason for this shift has been the subject of much scholarly discussion, no clear consensus has emerged. The debate has highlighted the various political, religious, and ideological trends occurring in Spain, among the ruling elite in particular, in the late fifteenth century to locate the specific cause of the reversal of the policy of toleration towards the Jews and Muslims of Castile. Although ascribing varying importance to different trends, most scholars have suggested that a major factor in the shift towards militant Christianization in Granada was the growing influence of the Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, in the royal court.[31]

(Painting of Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros)

Pedro Mártir de Anglería (d. 1526), a member of the Spanish court and contemporary of Cisneros, wrote that “this [Cisneros] was the man by whose counsel Spain is now governed. Because of his lively intellect, his gravity and wisdom, and his holiness…he has such authority with [the Catholic Monarchs] as no one has had before,” thus demonstrating the importance of the Archbishop.[32] Indeed, Cisneros’ power and influence seem only to have grown after 1492, when he was appointed as the confessor of Queen Isabella.[33]Unlike his contemporary Hernando de Talavera, the Archbishop of Granada, who advocated peaceful preaching and relative accommodation towards the Hispano-Muslims of Granada, Cisneros envisioned a purely Christian Spain, which would defend and spread the Catholic faith both domestically and overseas, and in order to realize this objective, Cisneros was prepared to use extreme force to assimilate and eliminate the Jewish and Muslim communities of Iberia.[34]

(Hernando de Talavera)

The first manifestation of this aggressive policy was the Edict of Expulsion in March 1492, directed at the Jews, who were given the ultimatum of conversion to Christianity or expulsion from Spain.[35] It soon occurred to the Granadans that both the ecclesiastical and royal Castilian authorities were unprepared to fully honor the Capitulation Agreements.[36]

(Edict of Expulsion, March 1492)

In the aftermath of the expulsion of the Jews, immense pressure was placed upon the Muslims to convert to Christianity, especially after the arrival of Jiménez de Cisneros in Granada, and their rights, as preserved in the Capitulations, were grossly violated.[37] In the neighboring Kingdom of Portugal, the Muslims (and Jews) had already been forcibly Christianized by 1497, developments that were viewed with alarm by the Hispano-Muslims of Granada.[38] The Capitulation Agreements were regularly being violated by the Castilian authorities and immense pressure had been placed upon the Granadans to embrace Christianity.[39] In 1498, an agreement was reached to partition the city of Granada into distinct Muslim and Christian sections, translating communal conflict into spatial arrangements.[40] Cardinal Cisneros’ forceful and heavy-handed approach to conversion, his public bonfires of Muslim religious texts, and his use of questionable tactics in converting mosques to churches and Muslims to Christianity were all viewed as violations of the 1492 Capitulations by the Granadans.[41]

The staging of mass (often forcible) baptism, the desecration of their places of worship, burning of their religious texts, and other hostile actions taken against them provoked the Granadan Muslims into rebellion by 1499, an insurrection that soon spread beyond the city itself to encompass the entirety of the former Nasrid kingdom.[42] This uprising was effectively and violently suppressed, the Capitulation Agreements voided, and conversion decrees enacted in 1501 which forced all Muslims within Granada to either convert to Christianity or leave the Peninsula without any of their possessions.[43] In 1502, this decree was extended to include all Muslims throughout the Crown of Castile, and after 1526, these conditions applied to the Muslims of the Crown of Aragón as well.[44] After having been an important component of Iberian civilization for over 800 years, Islam as a public religion was now effectively outlawed, driven underground as the faith of a persecuted and embattled minority. Although many of the Moriscos—as the converted Muslims were now called—secretly maintained their faith well into the early seventeenth century (at which point they were expelled from Iberia altogether), Spain, after centuries of being the most culturally and religiously diverse region in Europe, was now officially a homogenous Catholic nation.

(Francisco Heylan, “The Baptism of the Moriscos” http://www.fundacioncarlosballesta.com/ar/node/102)

Although there were multiple reasons for this major shift in Spanish history, one factor that needs to be appreciated is undoubtedly the potent millenarianistic environment within the Kingdom of Castile during the late fifteenth century. During this period, and especially during the war against Granada there was an expectation that the Catholic monarchs “would not only drive the Muslims out of Spain, but would go on to conquer the whole of Africa, destroy Islam completely, reconquer Jerusalem and the holy places,” and become “[rulers] of Rome, and of the Turks, and of the Spains.” Ferdinand of Aragón (r. 1479–1516), represented in contemporary literature as a “New David,” believed that the reconquest of Jerusalem from Islam was imminent and that Christendom should devote its efforts to achieving this goal, a view shared by his contemporary Christopher Columbus. This millennarianism, rooted as much in long-standing messianic ideals as well as the political transformations occurring in the Mediterranean since 1453, manifested itself in the Papal-sanctioned Spanish crusade against North Africa which was actively encouraged by Archbishop Jiménez de Cisneros and undertaken by the Catholic monarchs in the first part of the sixteenth century, culminating in the capture of Mers-el-Kébir in 1505, Oran and Algiers in 1509, Tripoli and Bejaia in 1510, and Tunis in 1535. The “Reconquista,” it would seem, was not a proto-nationalistic struggle limited to the Iberian peninsula but extended across the straits of Gibraltar into North Africa and beyond.

In this short piece, I hoped to show how the period 1478 to 1502 in Iberian history was one of major transformations and reconfigurations. In order to truly understand these developments, it is important to lessen our dependence on ideological frameworks such as “Reconquista” or “convivencia” as explanations for social and political relations and instead reposition these events in Iberia within the broader context of the Mediterranean world during the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century. It is important to recognize that, given almost half a millennium of precedent, the Christian conquest of the Muslim territory in Iberia did not necessitate the persecution, forced conversion and expulsion of non-Christians. The fact that this is precisely what happened between 1492 and 1502 underscores the novelty of this development in the long history of Muslim-Christian relations in the Iberian Peninsula. Although there were symbolic continuities between the Reconquista tradition and the conquest of Granada—the sanctioning of the war as a crusade, the chanting of Te Deum laudamusupon conquering the city, and the transformation of mosques into churches—the institutionalization of a policy of religious homogenization was unprecedented. It is only by considering the broader context of the Ottoman expansion, the establishment of the Inquisition, Christian millennarianism and reform that the reasons for such a macro-historical transformation can be more fully understood.

[1] Hugh Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal: A Political History of Al-Andalus(London: Longman, 1996), pp.1–130.

[2] John Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” in Crusading in the Fifteenth Century: Message and Impact (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), ed. Norman Housley, p.164; Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal, pp.130–153; David Wasserstein, The Caliphate in the West: An Islamic Political Institution in the Iberian Peninsula (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993); David Wasserstein, The Rise and Fall of the Party-Kings: Politics and Society in Islamic Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985).

[3] Marshall G.S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, Volume 2 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974), p.271; Muhammad Razuq, Al-Andalusiyyin w-hijratahum ila al-Maghreb(Casablanca, Ifriqiya al-Sharq, 1989), pp.31–35; James T. Monroe, Hispano-Arab Poetry: A Student Anthology (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp.45–47; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.164; Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal, pp.154–273.

[4] John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs (Oxford: Blackwell Publishers, 2000), pp.76; Leonard Patrick Harvey, Islamic Spain, 1250–1500(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), pp.9–15; Joseph F. O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), p.50–123; ‘Adil Bishtawi, Al-Andalusīyyīn al-mawārīkah (Cairo: Maṭābiʻ Intirnāshiyūnāl Bris, 1983), pp.47–58; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.164.

[5] O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, p.3.

[6] O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, pp.17–22; José Goñi Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España (Vitoria: Editorial del Seminario, 1958), pp.14–370; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.165–172.

[7] O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, pp.177–208.

[8] Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.20–26; Monroe, Hispano-Arab Poetry, p.61; Bishtawi, Al-Andalusīyyīn al-mawārīkah, p.92; Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal, pp.273–292; Mercedes García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform: Mahdīs of the Muslim West (Leiden: Brill, 2006), p.297.

[9] Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, Las Guerras de Granada en el siglo XV(Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, 2002), pp.11–82; Weston F. Cook, The Hundred Years War for Morocco: Gunpowder and the Military Revolution in the Early Modern Muslim World (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), p.120; Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal, pp.273–292.

[10] Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.50–54.

[11] O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, pp.212–213.

[12] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, pp.1–16; Felipe Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1975), pp.20–23; Norman Housley, The Later Crusades, 1274–1580 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992), p.296; John Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella (London: Longman: 2004), pp.20–21; J.N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, Vol. 2 (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1978), pp.360–365.

[13] These are the words of Castilian poet Alfonso Álvarez de Villasandino and the Bishop of Burgos, Alfonso de Cartagena, quoted in O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, p.213; Heather Rae, State Identities and the Homogenization of Peoples (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p.56.

[14] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, p.103; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.370; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.94–95; Juan Antonio Vilar Sánchez, 1492–1502: Una década fraudulenta (Granada: Alhulia, 2004), pp.41–42; Housley, The Later Crusades, p.298; Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella, p.48; Cook, The Hundred Years War for Morocco, p.121; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.173.

[15] Pope Sixtus IV, “Crusade Bull against Granada, 1482,” in Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274–1580 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996), ed. and trans. Norman Housley, pp.156–162; Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, p.104; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.269–274; Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, Castilla y la reconquista del Reino de Granada (Granada: Maracena, 1988) pp.203–206; Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, La Guerra de Granada (Granada: Diputacion de Granada, 2001), pp.45–54; Anwar G. Chejne, Islam and the West: The Moriscos, a Cultural and Social History (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1983), p.5; Housley, The Later Crusades, pp.301–303; José Goñi Gaztambide, “The Holy See and the Reconquest of the Kingdom of Granada,” in Spain in the Fifteenth Century: Essays and Extracts by Historians of Spain (New York: Harper and Row, 1972), trans. Frances M. López-Morillas, ed. Roger Highfield, pp.356–361; Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, pp.371–403; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.173.

[16] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, pp.104–139; Razuq, Al-Andalusiyyin w-hijratahum ila al-Maghreb, pp.54–55; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.101–103; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.275–310; Vilar Sánchez, 1492–1502: Una década fraudulenta, pp.44–46; Quesada, La Guerra de Granada, pp.45–78; Chejne, Islam and the West, p.5; Housley, The Later Crusades, pp.298–300; Quesada, Las Guerras de Granada, pp.143–170; Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2004), pp.219–263; Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.50–66; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.381–386; Cook, The Hundred Years War for Morocco, pp.121–126; Kennedy, Muslim Spain and Portugal, pp.300–304.

[17] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, p.64; Mark Meyerson, “Seeking the Messiah: Converso Messianism in Post-1453 Valencia,” in The Conversos and Moriscos in Late Medieval Spain and Beyond, Vol. 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), ed. Kevin Ingram, p.69.

[18] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, p.223; Edwards, “Reconquista and Crusade in Fifteenth Century Spain,” p.181; Liss, Isabel the Queen, p.371; Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, p.436; Housley, Religious Warfare in Europe, pp.76–78; Quesada, Las Guerras de Granada, p.212; Fernández-Armesto, 1492, pp.9–10; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.371; Echevarria, The Fortress of Faith, p.202; Alan Milhou, Colon y su mentalidad mesianica en el ambiente franciscanista española (Casa: Seminario Americanista de la Universidad de Valladolid, 1983), p.168.

[19] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, pp.61–62; Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, pp.432–435; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.570.

[20] Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, pp.435–436.

[21] Housley, The Later Crusades, p.298; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, p.3; Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella, p.54; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, p.92; Echevarria, The Fortress of Faith, p.210; Fernández-Armesto, 1492, p.30.

[22] Chejne, Islam and the West, pp.9–10; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, p.104; Miller, Guardians of Islam, p.178; Andrew C. Hess, “The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” American Historical Review 74 (1968): pp.1–25; Zayas, Los moriscos y el racismo del estado, p.105; Bruce Taylor, “The Enemy Within and Without: An Anatomy of Fear on the Spanish Mediterranean Littoral,” in Fear in Early Modern Society(Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1997), eds. William G. Naphy and Penny Roberts, pp.78–99; Cook, The Hundred Years War for Morocco, p.141; Galán-Sánchez, Los mudéjares del Reino de Granada, pp.346–349; García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform, pp.300–301.

[23] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia, pp.65–68.

[24] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia, pp.95–97; Kamen, Spain, 1469–171, p.173.

[25] Anonymous, Kitāb nubdhat al-‘aṣr fi akhbār mulūk Banī Nasr: Taslim Ghranaṭa wa nuzūḥ al-Andalusīyyīn ila al-Maghrib (Cairo: Maktabat al-Thaqafah al-Diniyya, 2002), p.41; ‘Abd Allah Muhammad Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun aw al-muriskiyyun al-andalussiyun (Cairo: Dar al-Sahwa, 1991), p.21; Rodrigo de Zayas, Los Moriscos y el racismo del estado:creación, persecución y deportación (Cordoba: Editorial Almuzara, 2006), p.89; Quesada, Las Guerras de Granada, pp.171–184; Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.66–67; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.387–388.

[26] Ferdinand and Isabella, “Letter to Agostino Barbarigo, Doge of Venice,” in Documentos sobre relaciones internacionales de los Reyes Católicos Vol. 4, 1492: 45, p.33;Henry Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict (London: Longman, 1983), p.35; O’Callaghan, Reconquest and Crusade in Medieval Spain, p.214; Liss, Isabel the Queen, pp.267–269; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.89–90; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.392–393; Gaztambide, “The Holy See and the Reconquest of the Kingdom of Granada,” pp.370–372.

[27] Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.388; Kamen, Spain, 1469–171, p.35.

[28] Hernando del Pulgar, “The Christian Conquest of Granada,” in Medieval Iberia: Readings from Muslim, Christian, and Jewish Sources (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997), ed. Olivia Remie Constable, pp. 343–344; Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun, pp.22–33; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.103–104; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.314–323; Vilar Sánchez, 1492–1502: Una década fraudulenta, pp.88–103;Luis Suárez-Fernández, Los Reyes Católicos: El timepo de la guerra de Granada (Madrid, Ediciones Rialp, 1989) pp.241–244; ; Angel Galán Sánchez, Los Mudéjares del Reino de Granada (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1991), pp.81–94; Manuel Barrios Aguilera, Granada Morisca, la Convivencia Negada (Granada: Comares, 2002), pp.25–29; Quesada, La Guerra de Granada, pp.79–85; Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714, p.35; Chejne, Islam and the West, p.6; Henry Charles Lea, The Moriscos of Spain: Their Conversion and Expulsion (New York: Greenwood Press Publishers, 1968), pp.20–22; David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old World Frontier City, 1492–1600 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp.6, 36–37; José Acosta Montoro, Aben Humeya: Rey de los moriscos (Almeria: Instituto de Estudios Almerienses, 1988), pp.19–20; Erika Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros: On the Threshold of Spain’s Golden Age (Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 1999), p.32.

[29] Mark Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel: Between Coexistence and Crusade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p.54; Kathryn Miller, Guardians of Islam: Religious Authority and Muslim Communities in Late Medieval Spain (New York: Columbia University Press,) pp.4–8; Chejne, Islam and the West, pp.2–4; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.55–150; Francisco Márquez Villanueva, “On the Concept of Mudejarism,” in The Conversos and Moriscos in Late Medieval Spain and Beyond, Vol.1 (Leiden: Brill, 2009), ed. Kevin Ingram, pp.23–50; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, p.37; David Nirenberg, “Christendom and Islam,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), eds. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons, p.164; Kathryn Miller, “Muslim Minorities and the Obligation to Emigrate to Islamic Territory: Two Fatwas from Fifteenth-Century Granada,” Islamic Law and Society 7 (2000), p.257. For a comprehensive study of the social, religious, economic, and political history of the Mudéjars in Christian Spain, see José Hinojosa Montalvo, Los mudéjares: La voz del Islam en la España cristiana, 2 Volumes (Teruel: Centro de Estudios Mudéjares, Instituto de Estudios Turolenses, 2002. Teruel : Centro de Estudios Mudéjares, Instituto de Estudios Turolenses, 2002).

[30] For a sense of the rules and boundaries regulating the coexistence of Muslims, Christians, and Jews in medieval Castile, see “The Legal Status of Jews and Muslims in Castile: Siete Partidas,” in Medieval Iberia, ed. Constable, pp.269–275.For an important perspective on convivencia and Mudéjar existence, especially in the fourteenth century, which challenges the notion of an inter-faith utopia, and explains the nature of this coexistence with a particular emphasis on communal conflict and violence, see David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages(Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996).

[31]Reginald Martin, Cardinal Ximenes and the Making of Spain (London, 1934), pp.77–79; John Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, 1474–1520 (Oxford, 2000), p.239; Henry Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict(London, 1983), pp.36–37; Peggy K. Liss, Isabel the Queen: Life and Times(Philadelphia, 2004), pp.372–377; David Coleman, Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492–1600 (Ithaca, 2003), p.1–49; Juan Antonio Vilar Sánchez, 1492–1502, Una década fraudulenta: Historia del reino cristiano de Granada desde su fundación, hasta la muerte de la reina Isabella Católica (Granada, 2004); Rodrigo de Zayas, Los moriscos y el racism de estado: creación, persecución y deportación (Almuzara, 2006), pp.87–102; Leonard Patrick Harvey, Islamic Spain, 1250 to 1500(Chicago, 1990), pp.324–339; Manuel Barrios Aguilera, Granada morisca, la convivencia negada (Granada, 2002), p.23–82; Ángel Galán Sánchez, “Los venicidos: exilio, integracion y resistencia,” in Historia del reino de Granada: De los orígenes a la época mudéjar (Granada, 2000), ed. Rafael G. Peinado Santaella, pp.525–565; García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform, p.298.

[32] Quoted in Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros, p.17.

[33] Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros, p.15.

[34] Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros, pp.33–34.

[35] Ferdinand and Isabella, “Edict of Expulsion of the Jews (1492),” in Medieval Iberia, ed. Olivia Remie Constable, pp.352–356; Ferdinand and Isabella, “Expulsion of the Jews,” in Documentos sobre relaciones internacionales de los Reyes Católicos Vol. 4 (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1962), 1492: 42, pp.27–31; Chejne, Islam and the West, p.5; Edwards, Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, p.229–233; Housley, The Later Crusades, p.303; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, pp.5, 38; Liss, Isabel the Queen, pp.298–315; Edwards, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.81–82; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.447–452; Marvin Lunenfeld, Keepers of the City: The Corregidores of Isabella I of Castille (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987) pp.130–134; Rae, State Identities, pp.73–74; Felipe Fernández-Armesto, 1492: The Year the World Began (New York: Harper One, 2009), pp.97–100.

[36] Anonymous, Kitāb nubdhat al-‘aṣr, p.44.

[37] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, p.12; Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun, pp.34–36; Reginald Merton, Cardinal Ximenes and the Making of Spain (London: Kegan, Paul, Trench and Trubner Ltd., 1934), pp.76–77; Catherine Gaignard, Maures et Chrétiens à Grenade (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1997), pp.126–129; Liss, Isabel the Queen, pp.372–375; Sánchez, Los Mudéjares del Reino de Granada, pp.361–364; Aguilera, Granada Morisca, pp.68–72; Chejne, Islam and the West, pp.6–7; Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, pp.402–403.

[38] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, pp.234–235; François Soyer, The Persecution of the Muslims and Jews of Portugal: King Manuel I and the End of Religious Tolerance (Leiden: Brill, 2007), pp.241–281; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, p.176; Beatriz Alonso Acero, Sultanes de Berbería en tierras de la cristiandad: exilio musulmán y asimilación en la Monarquía hispánica (Barcelona: Edicions Bellaterra, 2006), pp.41–48..

[39] Edwards, The Spain of the Catholic Monarchs, pp.238–239.

[40] Vilar Sánchez, 1492–1502: Una década fraudulenta, pp.365–381; Quesada, La Guerra de Granada, p.90; Ángel Galán Sánchez, “Segregación, coexistencia y convivencia: Los musulmanes de la ciudad de Granada,” in Las Tomas: Antropología histórica de la ocupación territorial del reino de Granada (Granada: Disputación de Granada, 2000), pp.326–332; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, pp.19, 52–60; Fernández-Armesto, 1492, p.41.

[41] Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, pp.55–56; Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun, pp.34–36; Fernández-Armesto, Ferdinand and Isabella, pp.177–178; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.331–334; Merton, Cardinal Ximenes, p.77; Gaignard, Maures et Chrétiens, pp.126–133; Sánchez, Los Mudéjares del Reino de Granada, pp.361–364; Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714, p.36; Purcell, The Great Captain, pp.128–129; Chejne, Islam and the West, pp.6–7; Lea, The Moriscos of Spain, pp.30–32; Gaztambide, Historia de la bula de cruzada en España, pp.402–403; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.474–475.

[42] Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun, p.45; Harvey, Islamic Spain, pp.331–334; Merton, Cardinal Ximenes, p.77; Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714, p.36; Mary Purcell, The Great Captain: Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba (New York: Doubleday and Company Inc., 1962), pp.128–129; Lea, The Moriscos of Spain, pp.30–32; Housley, The Later Crusades, p.303; Coleman, Creating Christian Granada, p.6; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, pp.473–474; Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros, pp.34–35; García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform, p.298.

[43] Isabel and Ferdinand, “Letter to Martín García Regarding the Moors of Granada,” in Documentos sobre relaciones internacionales de los Reyes Católicos Vol. 6 (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1966), 1500: 26, pp.228–229; Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, Guerra de Granada(Madrid: Clásicos Castalia, 1970; originally published 1610), p.103; Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, p.13; Jamal al-Din, Al-muslimun al-munasarun, pp.37–39; Gaignard, Maures et Chrétiens, pp.137–138; Liss, Isabel the Queen, p.377; Sánchez, Los Mudéjares del Reino de Granada, pp.379–380; Aguilera, Granada Morisca, p.75; Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714, p.37; Anonymous, Kitāb nubdhat al-‘aṣr, p.44; Chejne, Islam and the West, pp.6–7; Housley, The Later Crusades, p.303; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.475; Rummel. Jiménez de Cisneros, p.35.

[44]Alonso de Santa Cruz, Crónica de los Reyes Católicos, Vol. 1 (Seville: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1951), p.274; Andrés Bernáldez, Historia de los Reyes Católicos Don Fernando y Doña Isabel, Vol.2 (Seville: J.M. Geofrin, 1870), pp.251–252; Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the Age of Fernando and Isabel, p.13; Merton, Cardinal Ximenes, p.84; Liss, Isabel the Queen, p.377; Sánchez, Los Mudéjares del Reino de Granada, pp.399–404; Aguilera, Granada Morisca, p.76; Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714, p.37; Chejne, Islam and the West, p.6; Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms 1250–1516, p.475; García-Arenal, Messianism and Puritanical Reform, p.298.

Further Reading

Primary Sources

Anonymous. Kitāb nubdhat al-‘aṣr fi akhbār mulūk Banī Naṣr. Ed. Farīd al-Bustanī. Cairo: Maktabat al-Thaqafah al-Diniyya, 2002.

Bernáldez, Andrés. Historia de los reyes católicos Don Fernando y Doña Isabel, Vol. 2. Seville: J.M. Geofrin, 1870.

“Capitulations of Granada.” In Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, ed. Olivia Remie Constable, pp. 344–350. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997.

Caoursin, Guillaume. “Obsidionis Rhodiae Urbis Descriptio.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.93–120. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Castella, Jacopo della. “Perdita di Negroponte.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.249–260. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Columbus, Christopher. “Letter to the Catholic Monarchs (1493).” In Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, ed. Olivia Remie Constable, pp. 371–377. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997

________. “Letter to the Catholic Monarchs Advocating a Crusade to Recover Jerusalem (1501). In Documents on the Later Crusades, 1274–1580, ed. and trans. Norman Housley, pp.169–173. New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1996.

De la Torre, Antonio ed. Documentos sobre relaciones internacionales de los reyes catolicos, Vol. I–IV, VI. Barcelona: Consejo superior de investigaciones científicas, 1949–1966.

Ferdinand and Isabella. “Edict of Expulsion of the Jews (1492).” In Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources, ed. Olivia Remie Constable, pp. 352–356. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1997

Giustiniani, Pietro. “Rerum Venetarum ab Urbe Condita ad Annum 1575.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.352–367. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Ibn Iyās, Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad. Baḍa’i’ al-zuhūr fi wāqi’ al-dhuhūr. Ed. Muhammad Mustafa. Cairo: Al-Hayʼah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb 1984.

Martorell, Joanot and Martí Joan de Galba. Tirant lo Blanc: The Complete Translation. Trans. Ray La Fontaine. New York: Peter Lang, 1993.

Master Henry of Soemmern. “Qualiter urbs Constantinopolis anno LIII a Turcis depredate fuit et subiugata.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.121–132. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Mendoza, Diego Hurtado de. Guerra de Granada. Originally published in 1610. Ed. Bernardo Blanco-González. Madrid: Clásicos Castalia, 1970.

Palencia, Alonso de. Guerra de Granada. Ed. Rafael Gerardo Peinado Santaella. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1998.

Pulgar, Hernando del. Crónica de los reyes católicos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1943.

Pope Pius II. “De Captione Urbis Constantinopolis Tractatulus.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.93–120. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Pope Sixtus IV. “Crusade Bull against Granada, 1482.” In Politica internacional de Isabel la catolica: studio y documentos, Vol. II, ed. Luis Suarez Fernández, pp. 201–203. Valladolid: Instituto “Isabel la catolica” de historia eclesiastica, 1966.

________. “Indulgences Granted for Contributors to the War against Granda, 1479.” In Politica internacional de Isabel la catolica: studio y documentos, Vol. I, ed. Luis Suarez Fernández, pp. 454–456. Valladolid: Instituto “Isabel la catolica” de historia eclesiastica, 1965.

Rizardo, Giacomo. “Caso ruinoso della cittade di Negroponte.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.219–248. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

Santa Cruz, Alonso de. Cronica de los reyes catolicos. Ed. Juan de Mata Carriazo. Seville, 1951.

Suárez Fernández, Luis. Politica internacional de Isabel la catolica: studio y documentos, Vol. I–III. Valladolid: Instituto “Isabel la catolica” de historia eclesiastica, 1965–1969.

Tetaldi. “Tractatus de Expugnatione Urbis Constantinopolis.” In Mehmed II the Conqueror and the Fall of the Franco-Byzantine Levant to the Ottoman Turks: Some Western Views and Testimonies. Ed. and Trans. Marios Philippides, pp.133–218. Tempe: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2007.

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